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THE EXPERIENCES OF TAMIL WOMEN: NATIONALISM, CONSTRUCTION
OF GENDER, AND WOMEN'S POLITICAL AGENCY [Part III.]
-- Nanthini Sornarajah
This is the third and final installment of a three part discussion by Nanthini Sornorajah on Tamil women’s negotiation with nationalism and the construction of gender. This conclouding section highlights women’s dissenting voices resisting nationalism, and the particular direction taken by Tamil militarism. The first section was published in the February issue of lines; it offered a broad introduction to nationalism and gender (See Vol. II; No. 4 - February 2004)). The second section examined the mobilization of women within the ranks of the LTTE. (See Vol. III; No. 1 - May 2004).
Sornorajah begins
her discussion of Tamil
women and dissent by looking at the experience of women outside
the LTTE – not only women who fell foul of the LTTE through their
explicitly opposition, but also ordinary Tamil women who experienced
a tension between their day to day lives and the demands of militant
nationalism.
What intervention
could the LTTE women's wing make in the lives of ordinary civilian women who were as described above prepared
to fight for the nation as well as
for themselves. Thiranagama
[i]
describes
the various ways in which society stigmatised women who were raped
or molested by the IPKF There was a resurgence of conservatism upon the
arrival of the IPKF.(Hoole:92:318) Not too surprisingly the LTTE `s
response was not too different. Mownaguru reproduces in her article an anonymous
leaflet that appeared on the streets of Jaffna, widely
believed to have been authored by the LTTE. It is important for women
to take care in their dress, in their pottu and make-up. It doesn't
mean that we are enslaved if we dress according to our tradition. Some married
women say that it is expensive to wear saris. This is not acceptable.
Women should dress simply and they should not attract men
by their way of dressing.
Some women say that it is difficult to maintain long hair. These pretensions are wrong…. We are engaged
in a struggle for national liberation.
But the changes which have
been taking place in our culture will only demean
our society. " (Jeganathan:95:169)
Women's beautification, their dress
and behaviour were important as markers of national identity, and also
as the reproducers of tradition. Here was a situation, where
women had through social practice contesting the images of tradition,
but the hegemonic
group, despite its claim to militant womanhood, was ramming tradition
down
the throats of ordinary women who had no use for it.
There is yet another telling example of how the LTTE
portrayed images of women, when
they were not part of the armed unit. P.Nedumaran,
a spokesman and champion
of the LTTE in Tamil Nadu produced a pamphlet on the life of one
of Prabhakaran's right hand men Kittu, describes his
young widow as a modern `Thilakavathy'
[ii]
. The historical
character of Thilakavathy maintained widowhood and remained faithful to the
memory of her warrior husband who had died in battle. According to Nedumaran the modern Thilakavathy, Kittu's young widow, has
now in memory of her husband
decided to offer herself in service to the LTTE providing medical
assistance to its wounded fighters. (Nedumaran: 93:119-130) The
emphasis here is not on the young woman serving the LTTE,
but that she has undertaken a penance to offer her life symbolising
widowhood, as the wife of a dead hero, but not in her own right.
It would be interesting to see what structural potential
and practices within the LTTE
would engender a distinctive political agency for women. As nationalism
always hierarchizes the various forms of oppressions that
women experience, privileging the national oppression over gender oppression
this appears to be reflected within the structures of the liberations movement as well. As none of the
LTTE pamphlets even superficially deal with their programme of action
to oppose forms of subjugation we can only assume that even in practice
it is completely subsumed within the combat for national freedom. This is further reinforced by the fact that the
regimentation, discipline,
punishment, and codes of conduct that form an essential part of
group dynamics within the LTTE.
In modern Tamil nationalism these
two constructions of gender as stated earlier, the passive
inert mother, who is simply a bystander; or the super hero martyr
who performs her dance of death as an individual, are both inflexible
and monolithic. There
is nothing between armed combat and inactivity. Women's political agency
is determined by "these constructions. The political space available to
render these images more fluid and develop along different lines
has been denied to many women who dissent from this hegemonic view. LTTE's suppression of the Mother's
Front, and Poorani Women's Refuge are examples
of their intolerance for all independent civilian
initiatives outside their own monolithic organizations.
Dissenting voices: women standing proudly outside nationalism
It would be appropriate to begin
this section with an account of the activities of the Mothers Front,
who did not constitute a dissenting voice, but began functioning
totally
independently of the LTTE and or other militant groups. The fact
that the Mother's
Front did not articulate a clear ideological stance on nationalism
brought about its
early demise.
The formation
of the Mother's Front in the 1984-85 years, with the disappearances
and indiscriminate
detention of young men between the ages of 15 to 30 was the first
spontaneous movement organised by women. The leadership originated
from the Jaffna Tamil middle classes, who tended to have a narrow
vision about the long term development
of the campaign itself, the campaign began of its own accord as
a response to state violence, and not by male design
as part of a construction of the nationalist project. As the numbers of the detainees grew, the militancy
of the mothers also increased
drawing participants from all different classes and backgrounds.
Several thousand mothers marched through the streets of Jaffna,
gheraoed and barricaded the government secretariat and held rallies putting
forward their demands.
" Not only
the spirit, but also the enormous numbers that they were able to
mobilise spoke loudly of the high point to which such mass
organisations especially of women can
rise. " (Hoole:92:362) However once the LTTE became ascendant
the Mothers Front despite its spontaneous and spirited organisation
had to succumb to the dictates of the LTTE. Despite
its size, the lack of cohesion and vision rendered the Mother's
Front to eventually become a charitable outfit which petered out
in time.
Even so the Mother's Front is a stark
contrast to the mothers and sisters who figured in LTTE propaganda
videos as the brave mothers of the fallen heroes of the LTTE. The tear stained sorrowful faces of the women holding
torches to the dead, was different
to the women across class and caste barriers who came together for
at least one brief moment in history to challenge the military
and governmental authorities, however short lived that may
have been.
There were many women as individuals
and in groups, who refused to toe the hegemonic nationalist line.
These women's voices of dissent the LTTE would not tolerate. One such activist was RajaniThiranagama who co authored the Broken
Palmyrah and who was subsequently
murdered by the LTTE for her own brand of militant feminism, her writings and practices.
Her own scepticism about nationalism
is contained in her poem, " A Letter from Jaffna"
written during the IPKF occupation of the Tamil areas. "Our brave defenders and
freedom fighters lure the enemy, right to our doorstep to the inside of a hospital, start a fight, ignite a land mine Fire from near each and every refugee
camp, Escape to safety,
And then come the shells, whizzing,
whizzing, Bloody hell, Tigers have withdrawn while We, the sacrificial lambs drop dead
in lots."
"Fear? Now we know of Rape I'd like to get together with the
other women. But I know of nobody to get in touch with. All of
us are scattered 15 years of war. And now a hopeless
halt. Our society has no will to organize The era demises with so much loss
and bitterness all round. (Thiranagama:Outrite: 1988) Thiranagama decries the LTTE for
dragging the whole community along its suicidal path of fanaticism and militarism,
and laments the lack of unity and organisation within Tamil society, despite
the claims of unified nationhood.
Schalk, contemptuously refers
to the women who wished to proudly stand outside the nationalist
paradigm as the 'Palmyrah group' or as `western feminists'. (Schalk:92:112-113) His
misreading of who refuse to allow their political agency
and praxis to be subsumed into male dominated nationalism, while
extolling the LTTE women's ideology as martial feminism is an example of exoticisation of Asian women
by yet another white male academic from Europe.
Rajani Thiranagama was a founder
member of Poorani (the whole woman) Women's Refuge, which housed in rotation women affected
by IPKF violence and who did not
receive any support from the community. Most of these women were
from rural areas in and around Jaffna town. Talks on, gender
specific forms of oppression, and training on para legal, and women's health issues
were offered to the women. Poorani became a centre for women who dissented from Tamil nationalism
to congregate and discuss feminist
ideas. Following Thiranagama's murder the LTTE, visited the
refuge demanded that its funds be handed over by intimidating the
inmates and took over. The leading women involved in the
project had to leave Jaffna, for security
reasons
[iii]
. This is in contrast to Schalk's version of
events, which claims that Poorani was shut down owing to internal dissension
(Schalk:92:42).
The Jaffna Women's Study Circle
which was active from the early eighties, was a small pioneering group
that was active in studying the subject-position of the Tamil woman
and critically evaluating the claims of Tamil nationalism. Again the
war and LTTE's bid to silence dissident voices have resulted in
many of these women fleeing the Tamil areas
[iv]
. Even though the voices of dissent
are not strong, they are intensely powerful in their own inimitable
way. Selvi Thiagarajah, a former member of PLOTE, was subsequently
detained by the LTTE in early 1990 for staging a play critical of
Tamil nationalism.
The LTTE has not been forthcoming with any information on Selvi's
disappearance.
Selvi a recipient of two international literary awards while in
LTTE custody,
was active with Poorani, and the Jaffna Women's study circle. Sivamohan comments, "Selvi's poem of 1988 reproduces
this same sense of disillusionment. It is ambivalent
and traumatised about the jubilant cries of a doomed nationalism....",
and reproduces
lines from Selvi's poem `In Search of Sun'. In Search of Sun My Soul, full of despair, yearns for life
……
primitive humans yellow toothed, ugly mouthed,
thirsting blood slit flesh, saliva adribble cruel nails and horrifying eyes, Bragging and jubilating over
victories are not new Legs lost from long walks For miles and miles in search of
a throne Days wasted waiting for a full
moon Only boredom lingers (Selvi: Options: 1)
Does Selvi foretell us rather
ominously about her future experience with her torturers. The women
who feel the need to negotiate a space for themselves amidst competing
claims of nationalisms, knew that this could very often cost them
their lives.
In Thiranagama's words
"Objectivity the pursuit
of truth and propagation of critical and honest positions was not only
crucial for the community but was a view that could cost us our
lives. It was undertaken only as a survival
task." (Hoole:92:408)
This essay would be incomplete if I do not finish this
essay with the words of Sivaramani,
an uncompromising feminist, and one of the brightest young stars
of modern Tamil literature who ended her life in 1991
unable to live any longer in an atmosphere
of terror and repression where she could no longer determine her
own life, realise her own subjective agency.
I do not have words for a solution
like a leaflet in bold print Dreams, their meaning is lost
to me who
is uncertain whether the sun will rise tomorrow
While a gun aims at a society's Umbilical
cord, The dreams of a butterfly
resting delicately on the tip of a fragile flower are merely an occurrence (Sivaramani: 94.59) Nationalism, its constructions of womanhood couched
in the traditions and images of the
past, and the tragedy facing women who wish to construct an alternative
space through their self agency and praxis, is starkly presented
in her words,
"The last thinking human
is dying, slowly. The door is closed to all Dissent. You leave your children the legacy
of darkness; The crumbs of culture preserved In the traditions of a six-yard cloth
[v]
." (Sivaramani:94:25)
[i]
One of the founder
member of the University Teachers for Human Rights (Jaffna) was Dr.Rajani Thiranagama who was the Head,
of the Dept.Anatomy teacher
at Jaffna University. The active members of the UTHR-J had to
go into hiding after Dr.Thiranagama's murder by the LTTE,
as they received serious life threats.
From their hiding places the UTHR-J, even though disowned by the
rest of the University teachers who were under pressure
from the LTTE, have continued
to produce remarkably detailed, and reliable human rights reports,
about both government and LTTE atrocities. These reports
are widely regarded as impartial and by many NGOs and human rights
organisations internationally, such as Amnesty International.
[ii]
The historical character
of Thilakavathy was betrothed to a Pallava chieftain. The Pallava
warrior left Thilakavathy on the marriage dais at the bidding
of his king who had sent him a message of an impending invasion.
Thilakavathy's betrothed never
returned from the battlefield, but she took up widowhood without
even having been married. Nedumaran
compares her to Kittu's wife, as they were married a very short
time, despite their long courtship and were not together for a long time. (Nedumaran:93:128)
[iii]
Schalk claims that
Poorani was closed down owning to internal dissension. The source
of his information being obviously the LTTE. (92:42) Several of
the women who were centrally involved in the project
are now abroad, having been threatened by LTTE or living and working
in the South of Sri Lanka. Three of the very active women are
dead today. Rajani who initiated and led the project, and Selvi
and Sivaramani who worked with the women in the project, taking
classes and Workshops
and spent a great deal of time in the project. After Sivaramani's death, the LTTE visited her home and
went through all her correspondence
and to obtain details about her women contacts. They had by this
time detained Selvi. The LTTE ordered yet another
activist, while holding her brother
hostage, to go to the South and obtain all the funds that were
deposited in Poorani's account. The Committee which had fled to
the South by now had no choice but to hand over the money to save the lives
of those who were still living in
the north.
[iv]
LTTE women prisons: It is in this context that we have to read the revelations
made by the University Teachers' for Human Rights (UTHR-Jaffna)
(9) about Tiger women's prison camps in
one of their bulletins. It was well known that the LTTE maintained
its own prison systems in underground dungeons and bunkers. It
was common knowledge that in the early
nineties the LTTE held more Tamil prisoners (around 5,000) than
the Sri Lankan government.
The report describes the conditions of these prison
camps maintained by Tiger women
cadres, through the experiences of those who managed to obtain
release. Women were routinely beaten and systematically
tortured and interrogated. The youngest torturer was aged 14. The prisoners who were
mainly held were supporters of other movements, particularly
the EPRLF, especially women who had brothers, sons, or husbands
in the EPRLF. Women were transported around in LTTE vehicles,
and sometimes, made to walk blindfolded and manacled to each other
to unknown remote places to be kept in more fortified prisons.
The methods of torture included
strong verbal abuse, intense beating, kicking and trampling with booted feet,
sometimes by ten torturers at a time, till the prisoner begins to bleed. Then the prisoner would be made to stand in the sun for
hours without water,
till they fainted. Women prisoners were stripped naked ,
hung upside down in a pulley and were then beaten by the women torturers,
and were sometimes immersed in water. A conservative estimate
put the figure at 200, in one prison camp at
any one time. One of the main narrators in the UTHR report was
Pavalamma, aged 53, whose two sons out of three were sympathisers
of the EPRLF. The second son was a member. Her crime was to have
cooked for her EPRLF sons and their friends. A confession was forced out of her under
torture and this confession contained
elements that she had not done or admitted, such as cooking for
the Indian Peace Keeping Force. (UTHR Bulletin:95:1-9)
[v]
six-yard cloth -
the sari
** The
poems cited in this essay were translated by me with the exception of Selvi's and Sivaramani's`poems. Rajani's poem was written
in English.
Bibliography
1.Ann, Adele, 1993, Women and Revolution,
Publication
Section, Madras, S.India 2.Anderson,
Benedict, 1991, Imagined
Communities, Verso. London. 3.Balasingam Adele, 1993, Women Fighters of Liberation
Tigers, Publication Section, Jaffna Sri Lanka.
4.Coomaraswamy, Radhika, December 1996, `Tiger Women and
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Emancipation', Rajani Thiranagama Memorial Lecture,
published
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5.Davis,
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Praxis', Paper read at the 12
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Kavithaigal, Vizhippu,
Toronto.
Nanthini Sornarajah is a Sri Lankan Tamil
academic currently based in Kuala Lampur, Malaysia.
She works in the area of gender and nationalism. |